| |
|
A classic two-part
article, by Bernard Lewis, with a recent related essay, in The Atlantic:
The
Roots of Muslim Rage (Part One)
Like every other civilization known to human history, the Muslim
world in its heyday saw itself as the center of truth and enlightenment,
surrounded by infidel barbarians whom it would in due course enlighten
and civilize. But between the different groups of barbarians there was
a crucial difference. The barbarians to the east and the south were polytheists
and idolaters, offering no serious threat and no competition at all to
Islam. In the north and west, in contrast, Muslims from an early date
recognized a genuine rival a competing world religion, a distinctive
civilization inspired by that religion, and an empire that, though much
smaller than theirs, was no less ambitious in its claims and aspirations.
This was the entity known to itself and others as Christendom, a term
that was long almost identical with Europe. The struggle between these
rival systems has now lasted for some fourteen centuries. It began with
the advent of Islam, in the seventh century, and has continued virtually
to the present day. It has consisted of a long series of attacks and counterattacks,
jihads and crusades, conquests and reconquests.... For the past three
hundred years, since the failure of the second Turkish siege of Vienna
in 1683 and the rise of the European colonial empires in Asia and Africa,
Islam has been on the defensive, and the Christian and post-Christian
civilization of Europe and her daughters has brought the whole world,
including Islam, within its orbit.
The
Roots of Muslim Rage (Part Two)
The accusations are familiar. We of the West are accused of sexism,
racism, and imperialism, institutionalized in patriarchy and slavery,
tyranny and exploitation. To these charges, and to others as heinous,
we have no option but to plead guilty not as Americans, nor yet
as Westerners, but simply as human beings, as members of the human race.
In none of these sins are we the only sinners, and in some of them we
are very far from being the worst. The treatment of women in the Western
world, and more generally in Christendom, has always been unequal and
often oppressive, but even at its worst it was rather better than the
rule of polygamy and concubinage that has otherwise been the almost universal
lot of womankind on this planet.... Slavery is today universally denounced
as an offense against humanity, but within living memory it has been practiced
and even defended as a necessary institution, established and regulated
by divine law. The peculiarity of the peculiar institution, as Americans
once called it, lay not in its existence but in its abolition. Westerners
were the first to break the consensus of acceptance and to outlaw slavery,
first at home, then in the other territories they controlled, and finally
wherever in the world they were able to exercise power or influence
in a word, by means of imperialism.
What
Went Wrong?
Muslim modernizers by reform or revolution concentrated
their efforts in three main areas: military, economic, and political.
The results achieved were, to say the least, disappointing. The quest
for victory by updated armies brought a series of humiliating defeats.
The quest for prosperity through development brought in some countries
impoverished and corrupt economies in recurring need of external aid,
in others an unhealthy dependence on a single resource oil. And
even this was discovered, extracted, and put to use by Western ingenuity
and industry, and is doomed, sooner or later, to be exhausted, or, more
probably, superseded, as the international community grows weary of a
fuel that pollutes the land, the sea, and the air wherever it is used
or transported, and that puts the world economy at the mercy of a clique
of capricious autocrats. Worst of all are the political results: the long
quest for freedom has left a string of shabby tyrannies, ranging from
traditional autocracies to dictatorships that are modern only in their
apparatus of repression and indoctrination.... It was bad enough for Muslims
to feel poor and weak after centuries of being rich and strong, to lose
the position of leadership that they had come to regard as their right,
and to be reduced to the role of followers of the West. But the twentieth
century, particularly the second half, brought further humiliation
the awareness that they were no longer even the first among followers
but were falling back in a lengthening line of eager and more successful
Westernizers, notably in East Asia. The rise of Japan had been an encouragement
but also a reproach. The later rise of other Asian economic powers brought
only reproach. The proud heirs of ancient civilizations had gotten used
to hiring Western firms to carry out tasks of which their own contractors
and technicians were apparently incapable. Now Middle Eastern rulers and
businessmen found themselves inviting contractors and technicians from
Korea only recently emerged from Japanese colonial rule
to perform these tasks. Following is bad enough; limping in the rear is
far worse. By all the standards that matter in the modern world
economic development and job creation, literacy, educational and scientific
achievement, political freedom and respect for human rights what
was once a mighty civilization has indeed fallen low.
A three-part series Driving
a Wedge in the Boston Globe:
Why
bin Laden plot relied on Saudi hijackers
Senior US officials and Saudi Interior Ministry officials involved
with the investigation into the involvement of Saudi nationals in the
attacks say they now believe bin Ladens Al Qaeda actively sought
out young Saudi volunteers from this region for their jihad.
The investigation is beginning to reveal a picture of how bin Laden, a
native of the Saudi southwest, exploited the young hijackers by playing
off the region's deep tribal affiliations, itseconomic dis-enfranchisement,
anditsown burning brand of Wahhabi fundamentalism which the kingdom's
religious hierarchy fosters in the schools.
Saudi
schools fuel anti-US anger
US diplomats and Saudi specialists say Saudi schools are the foundation
of the broader society in which the House of Saud has for decades tolerated
extremists within the religious hierarchy to set a tone in schools
as well as on national television and radio airways of open bigotry
toward non-Muslims, contempt even for those non-Sunni Muslims from other
branches of the faith such as the Shiite, and of virulent anti-Americanism.
This, US and Saudi observers here say, has been part of an unofficial
deal: The kingdom gave the religious establishment control of the schools
as long as it didnt question the legitimacy of the monarchys
power. The United States went along with this tacit agreement as long
as the oil kept flowing, its troops stayed in the country, and the House
of Saud remained on the throne.
Doubts
are cast on the viability of Saudi monarchy for long term
The House of Saud the 30,000-member ruling family headed
by 3,000 princes has long been so riddled with corruption that
even Crown Prince Abdullah has said the culture of royal excess has to
come to an end. It has ruled over the kingdom with documented human rights
abuses and, as one Western diplomat put it, a form of gender apartheid
for women. Democracy has never been part of the equation. These palace
indulgences have been tolerated by Washington for far too long, critics
say, because of a US policy dependent on Saudi Arabias vast oil
reserves, Riyadhs purchase of an estimated $4 billion a year worth
of US weapons, and its pivotal role as host to 5,000 American troops.
Since Franklin Delano Roosevelt agreed a half century ago to defend the
kingdom in exchange for ready access to oil, the balance between US interests
and US ideals in Saudi Arabia has always tipped in favor of Washingtons
economic and strategic interests.
|
|
|